Untitled Document
William Russell Arrington — best known as Russ
— was a familiar face and factor in the Illinois General Assembly
from 1945 to 1973. Moreover, he was one of history’s most dominant
legislators, with ideas that influenced state government, especially the
Senate, for decades. Many of the state’s elected leaders have since
honored him as one of the greatest lawmakers of any time — in fact,
longtime Democratic House Speaker Michael Madigan is quoted thusly:
“No doubt, Senator Arrington is the father of the modern General
Assembly.”
Arrington is not a name that jumps out of the
Illinois history books. He never served in a state executive position or
ran for statewide office. Most Illinoisans have never the opportunity to
vote up or down on his performance, ideas, and assumptions about the role
of a legislature, and therein lay the challenge for author Taylor Pensoneau:
What hard evidence is there that Arrington was a giant, and is it
convincing? That was not the only challenge. Pensoneau had to
make this a legitimate tale, not just a paean. In the hands of a writer
less qualified by background and knowledge than Pensoneau, this could have
been an embarrassment and a snore. Instead, because of the writer, it is a
lively gallop through an intriguing period of Illinois history and a major
contribution to an understanding of the evolution of state government. In many ways the book is as much a reflection of
Pensoneau as it is of Arrington. Pensoneau, biographer of Govs. Richard B.
Ogilvie and Dan Walker, knows the times. He paints effective word pictures
of life in the Legislature of the 1950s and 1960s, the bars and nightlife,
the denizens of the pressroom, the tussles of the weak and the strong, the
frustrations of Gov. Otto Kerner, and the determination of Ogilvie. The
author makes those times feel as current as last month. Pensoneau, Springfield correspondent for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch from
1965 to 1977, uses his background to craft crisp and defining biographical
sketches throughout the narrative. Notable among them are embezzler Orville
Hodge, insurance mogul W. Clement Stone — perhaps the author’s
finest profile — and Govs. William Stratton, Kerner, and Ogilvie.
These are combined with succinct snapshots of such familiar names as Paul
Powell, Paul Simon, and Alan Dixon, as well as seeming dozens of Arrington
acolytes. But the central figure is Arrington. Born in
Gillespie and educated in East St. Louis and at the University of Illinois,
Russ Arrington developed a work ethic that can only be described as
all-consuming. His family had little, and young Russ worked for every dime
that made it possible for him to earn a degree in law. Arrington’s
skill as a lawyer and businessman provides insight into the man’s
drive to achieve, to gain power and use it, and to accumulate wealth
— honestly, it should be noted. Arrington was relentless in almost
every pursuit, a true man of action. These characteristics made him stand
out from others in Springfield. Arrington entered the state House of Representatives
from suburban Chicago in 1945. He served 10 years in the House, proposing a
mountain of legislation and demonstrating an interest in good-government
bills and fiscal controls. The time of ascension began with his election to
the Senate in 1954. He served through 1972 — until illness forced his
retirement — during which time the House and the governorship often
were in the hands of Democrats. He effectively blunted the initiatives of
the opposition while proposing meaningful legislation, not all of which
passed. He became the most powerful Republican in state government by way
of sheer will and determination. A good example of his timing and
leadership is seen in the wake of the Orville Hodge scandal of the 1950s.
Arrington took the initiative with Republican Gov. Stratton to implement
fiscal policies to protect the state and its citizens. Ten years after he entered the Senate, Arrington was
chosen as leader by his colleagues (although he had been before, without
the title). During his Senate tenure, Arrington earned a reputation in
Springfield as partisan (but able to compromise), arrogant, impatient,
argumentative, domineering, bright, and successful. Pensoneau draws the
picture carefully but clearly.
Pensoneau documents the key years of leadership in
the 1960s, when Arrington earned the designation “father of the
modern General Assembly.” Arrington introduced the staff-support
system by hiring bright people and providing staff members for chairs of
Senate committees with his own money. That alone shook the General Assembly
to its roots. He dragged the Legislature kicking and screaming from the
archaic biennial meeting system to annual sessions. Along the way he
reinvented Senate Republicans and elevated the Legislature by publishing a
list of proposals that would determine the debate — he called the
agenda “Building a Better Illinois.” Arrington announced
initiatives in reapportionment, revenue-raising, and ethical standards for
public officials. Until then, neither party had bothered to publish goals
to guide its policy initiatives Arrington had major roles in consideration of
civil-rights legislation — it nearly cost him a leadership position
with the Republicans — and maintaining controls over the state budget
and spending. Anxious to reform state government, Arrington became a
booster of the constitutional convention that met in 1970. These are
definitive actions, but there is special drama in Pensoneau’s
description of Gov. Ogilvie’s drive to pass a state income tax with a
compliant Arrington at Ogilvie’s side. They both paid the political
price: Ogilvie served just one term as governor, and the state Senate was
taken over by Democrats in 1970, at which time Arrington was relegated to
minority status. Pensoneau leaves no doubt as to his high opinion of
Arrington or his belief that the senator deserves the esteem showered on
him by friend and foe. But this is not an unfounded testimonial. The proof
is there for the reading. Arrington’s performance was remarkable and,
in retrospect, historic. Pensoneau’s conversational writing style and
solid research are notable achievements. They make this a book to read.
Bob Hartley is the author or co-author of six books
about Illinois politics and history, the latest of which is Death Underground: The Centralia and West Frankfort Mine
Disasters.
This article appears in Mar 22-28, 2007.
